Culture itself, and the traditions that emerge from it, is dynamic; it is not static or fixed. Culture preserves traditions, but also possesses mechanisms for change (Fieldhouse 1988). Creolization is the mechanism by which immigrants, migrants and indigenous populations who live in close proximity emerge as a blended, new, Creole culture. Each population has something to contribute, including art, food, music and folk beliefs. Within the context of a culturally pluralistic society, creolization enables the formation of new identities, including the emergence of new religions. Louisiana hosted a large population of enslaved individuals from a variety of regions in Africa whose traditions, coupled with the indigenous influences in the Americas and European folk traditions, resulted in a religiomagickal and spiritual atmosphere rich with mysteries. Thus, New Orleans Voudou, and by extension Laveau Voudou, can only be truly understood as a collective of religiomagickal systems of meaning that is by its very nature fluid. Using this framework, we can see how it developed from a primarily African, indigenous tradition to the fully creolized religion it is today.
As it stands today, Laveau Voudou is a new tradition that emerged in the New World from the process of creolization while under the influence of the Louisiana Black Codes. It originated from the ancestral religions of the African Diaspora and over time there was an assimilation of deities and practices from the various religious and cultural traditions into a new and unique American Creole Voudou. There are distinct contributions from the Congo region, such as the phenomenon of working with spirits in buckets and cauldrons (e.g., Ancestor pots, Black Hawk’s bucket and Marie Laveau’s cauldron), as well as talismanic magick brought to the Americas by the Bambara (e.g., gris gris), and Yoruba deities such as Eshu/ Elegba and Ogun (Fandrich 2007). After the United States purchased the Louisiana territory in 1803, there were several influxes of immigrants from San Domingue who brought with them their version of Caribbean Vodou and their own pantheon of Spirits. Enmeshed in all of the above is Catholicism, which was the legally mandated religion in New Orleans. Aspects of some of the religions and traditions stuck, while others didn’t. This is completely natural and expected in such circumstances.
As it stands today, Laveau Voudou is a new tradition that emerged in the New World from the process of creolization while under the influence of the Louisiana Black Codes. It originated from the ancestral religions of the African Diaspora and over time there was an assimilation of deities and practices from the various religious and cultural traditions into a new and unique American Creole Voudou. There are distinct contributions from the Congo region, such as the phenomenon of working with spirits in buckets and cauldrons (e.g., Ancestor pots, Black Hawk’s bucket and Marie Laveau’s cauldron), as well as talismanic magick brought to the Americas by the Bambara (e.g., gris gris), and Yoruba deities such as Eshu/ Elegba and Ogun (Fandrich 2007). After the United States purchased the Louisiana territory in 1803, there were several influxes of immigrants from San Domingue who brought with them their version of Caribbean Vodou and their own pantheon of Spirits. Enmeshed in all of the above is Catholicism, which was the legally mandated religion in New Orleans. Aspects of some of the religions and traditions stuck, while others didn’t. This is completely natural and expected in such circumstances.
When I use the term Creole Voudou, I intend for it to cover all of the various forms of Voudou in Louisiana. New Orleans Voudou and Laveau Voudou are both forms of Creole Voudou, yet they differ in significant ways. Laveau Voudou acknowledges and serves Marie Laveau as a revered Ancestor and loa. Laveau devotees also embrace elements of Catholicism as central to the practice. On the other hand, practitioners of New Orleans Voudou may or may not acknowledge and serve Marie Laveau with the same degree of importance. Furthermore, New Orleans Voudouists may or may not be practicing Catholics. Louis Martinié, Spiritual Elder and ritual drummer with the Voodoo Spiritual Temple, states that some New Orleans Voudouists are atheists—some believe in a Christian God and some do not. I have found this to be true as well but saying this out loud makes you no friends. Martinié further states the religion is not standardized and “there is no central organization to propose and impose orthodoxy of expression” (Martinié 2010, 20).
Today, Voudou in New Orleans is taking on a stronger Haitian flavor due to the increasing number of people moving to New Orleans who are already initiated in Haitian Vodou. At least half of the commercial Voudou and conjure sector appear to be new to New Orleans as a result of Hurricane Katrina. As the congregations grow under the Mambos and Houngans, more people are being initiated into Haitian Vodou and the traditional rites of New Orleans Voudou and her Queens are at risk of disappearing. This fact makes the publication of books such as this one extremely important in documenting forms of the tradition that have heretofore gone undocumented because they have been unknown to outsiders. It is important to preserve our folk traditions given the history and sacrifice behind family lines of Voudou and out of respect for our Voudou Queen.
